LIT:FUV; MSzFgrE; TESz; EtSz; Bár.SzófSz; Budenz MUSz; Rez. von Bereczki über Mr.
NUMBER:46
PROTO:*äŋV-ćV
MEANING:raspberry
GERMMEAN:Himbeere
MRD:ińźej, ińźeŋ (E), ińeźi (M) 'Himbeere'
MAR:ǝŋɣǝž (KB), eŋǝ̑ž (U), eŋǝ̑š (B)
UDM:emeǯ́ (S), emeź (K, G)
KOM:e̮miʒ́ ( > Mans. ūmś)
KHN:-ȧńt́, -ańt́ in comp. (juχtĕj-ȧńt́ 'Himbeere', mĕɣχăr-ańt́ 'Erdbeere')
UGR:*(-)än'c'
RESHET:The Ugric word is attested only in some Khanty compounds (?). According to Rédei, such Mansi forms as MNo. ūmės 'Himbeere' are borrowed from Komi.
SAA:cuođđe- -đ- 'go outside the herd to look for female reindeer (of a weak male reindeer in the rutting season)' (N); t́š́ш̆ǝ̆.δδ̄ɛ̄ (I) 'Rentierstier, der besiegt wurde und der danach die Flucht ergriffen hat'
NEN:sāje- (T) 'balzen (ein Vogel, z. B. Schneehuhn, Gans, Wildente u.a.)'
RESHET:Ur. *c- because of the correspondence Perm. *č'- ~ Ugr. *s-. In КЭСКЯ, the Komi word is compared with Mar. čuaš 'to flatter', Finn suosi-a 'to be favorable, love, protect', while Finn suota and Hun. szalad- are looked on as related to Komi dial. c'ul-av- 'to elapse (of time)', Pm. c'uv-э̇t- 'to spend (of time)' (the latter comparison is given also in ИВПЯ 218). This solution is obviously wrong (for Komi dial. c'ul- 'to pass, to elapse (of time)' cf. Nen. săl 'a period of time'). Does Hun. szilaj 'unbändig, ungestüm, wild, feurig' also belong here? -i- may be < Ur. *ō in another stem type (Hun. sal- < */s'/ōδa-, but sil- < */s'/ōδ/e/-? - cf. OCНЯ I: XXII-XXVI). Ur. *-δ- > Sam. *-j- (instead of *-r-) - irregular; still we can suppose unique, but probably not sporadic (assimilative) development (*cōδa >) *c'aδV > *s'aδV- > *s'aδ'V- (whence regularly the form with *-j-), since we have no other examples of reflexation of the Ur. structure *c(')VδV in Samoyed (cf. the comment in UEW).
LIT:FUV; SKES; КЭСКЯ (the Komi word compared with other material, Finn and Hun. erroneously compared with another Komi word); MSzFgrE; TESz; Bár.SzófSz; ИВПЯ 218 (wrong comparison!); Coll.CompGr. 110
SAA:čuokke -g- 'ice-crust on pasture' (N), tjuohke (L) 'Eisüberzug des Bodens'
KHN:t́oɣ (V) 'dünnes Eis, das vor dem Zufrieren des Flusses in der Strömung treibt; Eisgrieß, fein zermahlenes Eis'
MAN:sai̊ (LM) 'Treibeis'
UGR:zaj, szaj, saj (dial.) 'Eisstoß, Eistreiben; erste Eisbildung, dünne Eisdecke auf der Wasseroberfläche'
RESHET:L. Honti (HontiGObV 131) compares the Khanty form with MSs. s'ūŋk 'Eiskruste' (obviously not related to MML. sai̥) and reconstructs Proto-Ob-Ugric *c'V̄ŋk. This comparison is obviously also acceptable, since the correspondence Khanty *-ɣ ~ Mansi *-ŋk (<OU *-ŋk?) is attested in a few examples (which appear quite reliable), although the stable counterpart of the Mansi *-ŋk in Khanty is still *-ŋk (in this case, we evidently deal with some specific distribution in Khanty, which is at present hard to establish for lack of material). Note that accepting Honti's comparison would hamper the inclusion of the OU data in the FU etymology in question (cf. the absence of any traces of a nasal in Hun., where *-ŋk would have developed into -g, and in Lapp.), while it is quite evident that at least the Khanty word must be involved in it.
UGR:csir, PxSg3 csirja (dial.) 'Dippeleisen, Torstift, der sich im Zapfenlager dreht; Zapfen der Sensenangel, der in den Eiseneinsatz des Ringes am Sensenbaum eindringt' (?)
RESHET:A case of Uralic *ɨ in the first syllable? In Finn, the variants with -ä- (säränä, seränä) are secondary. In Komi, -i- in Ss. and Pm. < -ɨ- (< *-u̇-) under influence of the initial ʒ'-, as noted in UEW (the same phenomenon in Udm. з̇̇иры mentioned by Lytkin); the presence of original *-u̇- (< Ur. *-ɨ-?) in Perm. is proved not only by Udm., but also by Komi PO, where -ʌ- regularly < *-u̇- (cf. ИВПЯ 186-187 about reflexes of Proto-Permic *-u̇-); V.I. Lytkin is wrong interpreting this word as a case of Proto-Permic *i (ИВПЯ 178). Hun. -i- < *-ɨ-, as certified by the px. vowel: csir-ja, not **csir-je!. On the other hand, it is rather -a- < *-ɨ- that would be expected in the first syllable in Hun. because of the original a-stem indicated by Finn (Finn sara- < *c'ɨra, not *c'ɨr/e/).
SAA:šiešše (T) 'Gerüst aus Baumzweigen für die Vogelschlinge', šieš̨́š̨(E) (Kld.) 'Vogelschlinge' (?)
MAR:ćüćaš (C) 'Vogelschlinge am Ende eines gebogenes Baumzweiges' (?)
KHN:sesǝɣ (V) 'Falle für Birkhühner, Füchse', sesǝ (DN) 'Falle für Birkhühner, Hasen', ses (O) 'Falle (für Waldvögel, Hasen u.a.)'
RESHET:UEW gives here also Lapp. Kol., Ter. šiešše 'frame of tree branches for bird catching noose', Kld. šieš'̣ṣ̌[e] 'noose for birds' (< Proto-Lapp. *šɛ̄ššē) with a note: "das lapp. Wort ist wegen seines anlautenden š möglicherweise erst spät entstanden". In Lapp., there are rather few words containing Proto-Lapp. *(-)š(š)-; most of them are borrowed from Finnic or have unknown origin. Anyway, we have no reason to consider Lapp. *š- a reflex of Ur. *c'- (in my reconstruction *c- as opposed to *c'- because of *s- in Ugric). The most plausible explanation is that Lapp. *šɛ̄ššē is a result of borrowing a regular Finnic form like *säsä (< Ur. *cäcä), which was later lost. Vowel substitutions (Finnic *-ä- > Lapp. *-ɛ̄-, *-ä > *-ē) are regular; for the substitution *(-)s- > *(-)š- cf. Lapp. *šэlmē 'eye of axe' < Finnic *silmä 'eye (of axe)' etc. In Komi, it is -с'(-) (not -s(-)) that would be expected as a reflex of the Ur. affricate, which makes Rédei deny the Komi word its belonging to this etymon. Still alternative solutions can't be excluded: in particular, -s(-) may have replaced a regular -c'(-) under dissimilative influence of initial c'-. The relation of the FU forms to the Samoyed word mentioned in Helimski's comment is highly improbable because of *j- in Sam.
GERMMEAN:harter Schnee; abgeweidetes, fest getretenes Land im Winter
SAA:čiegâr -kk- (N) 'snow-field which has been trampled and dug up by reindeer', tjiekar (L) 'von Rentieren im Winter aufgescharrtes und abgeweidetes Gebiet', čīɣar (Kld.), čieɣar (Not.) 'Weideplatz der Rentierherde', či̊gr-sijje (T) 'Weideplatz' ( > Finn. kiekerö)
KHN:t́ăɣǝr (J) 'Weideplatz der Rentiere od. der Elentiere im Winter, wo der Schnee plattgetreten ist', t́ăɣǝr (DT), śăχǝr (O) (?), t́i̮ɣǝr (V) 'Schneewehe' (?)
RESHET:Lapp. > Finn kiekerö 'Winterweideplatz der Rentierherde'. The Sam. material raises some problems: in Kms., š- is not a regular reflex of *s-, but before a palatal vowel, *-e- in particular, the correspondence Nen. s'- ~ Kms. š- points to Sam. *k-, although Proto-Sam. reconstruction *kekV- makes the FU-Sam. comparison in question impossible.
RESHET:In Lapp. 'small piece of bone' < 'fragment, piece broken off'; note that this form contains -m, which is apparently a noun-forming suffix (the comparison with Lapp. is suggested by me - Resh.).
